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Date Amount. Davis Christophe M. Frank Dawn E. Mackolin Joseph F. The sweeping reforms suggested for the Advancement of Learning are seldom developed in the social or political realm. There is critique, it must be admitted: the advanced system of Bensalem, once exhibited to the public eye, demonstrates some of the weaknesses of contemporary English society; but not, again in the spirit of satire. It is in the spirit rather, on the one hand, of compensation and regret, and, on the other hand, of what Bacon himself would call the work of hope.

What there is, rather, is something like dreamwork, in a Freudian sense. Not only is there a haunting, dreamlike quality to the narrative; there is also a dreamlike objective to it, an underlying interest that the text cannot objectively realize in full, an interest in the past, an interest in returning to the past, or rather in returning to the past and remaking it into something new.

But in New Atlantis the compensatory function is triumphant. For what is it, precisely, that New Atlantis makes us see? And what is it that it wants us to do? There is no program in a literal sense recommended in the New Atlantis. There is neither a before nor an after that the text asks itself or its readers to occupy; and there is nothing that the reader is left to do. But if New Atlantis reduplicates the earlier project for an advancement of learning, it does not, by the same token, represent much of a departure from the world at hand.

In New Atlantis Bacon represents an island nation where the work of generating an ideal society through the utopian energies of a lawgiving king — like the James to whom he had once appealed in Advancement of Learning — has already been accomplished. And many of its idealizations depend upon a withdrawal into social and historical anachronisms, into an impossible recuperation of the sublimity of the Jacobean present perfect. There are at least two unmistakable signs of failure and melancholy in New Atlantis.

Their hosts always refuse both kinds of offers. The state of Bensalem will pay for the needs of its guests out of its own stores. Twice paid? Bacon had publicly confessed to the practice. Princely authority expresses itself in just this way in the kingdom of Bensalem. Generosity precedes service. The sign of failure marked out and mythopoetically compensated here by Bensalemite economics is related to a second incident: the celebration of patriarchy and paternalistic marriage that the fable documents at length. In the New Atlantis one of the highest marks of success for a man is the number of his progeny.

Something has just happened. And in the end — what? But what the sailors are being converted to is a society with a deep past, a society whose past in fact has been precisely correlated with the European version of world history, and whose future is apparently coterminous with it. Then there was a deluge.

Atlantis, now known as America, with its great civilizations of Mexico and Peru, was reduced to a state of depopulated savagery, its remaining people being cut off from contact with the rest of the world and in effect set back a thousand years. Meanwhile, European culture and global navigation decayed, and the Bensalemites found themselves isolated. Three things are noteworthy about all this.

Bensalem develops in a condition of prosperity, peace, and isolation. It does not suffer from outside intervention, or from any of the vicissitudes of history. At the interrupted conclusion of New Atlantis the sailors have learned about all of the institutions and facilities of experimentation that the House of Salomon has set up; and they are provided with their own generous subsidy.

But the sailors have not seen any results. Yet the sailors soon come to learn that if they are literally outside the two known worlds, in this third world they are also literally involved in the course of global history, and stand as it were on the very cusp of it. But consider what the author has had to do in order to put this historical dream-work into operation.

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In order to imagine a society where the Great Instauration may have taken hold, Bacon has posited a reversal of his own realistic understanding of the world and of cultural production. He has re-imagined, in his own way, the whole of human history. He has imagined a process by which all of human learning, ancient and modern, adds up to the discovery of the conditions of a new beginning, a Great Instauration.

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Now this requirement of seeing without being seen would continue to be an issue for scientists for the remainder of the century; it would play a role in the guidelines set up for the operations of the Royal Society; it is still an issue today. For once one lived in Bensalem, one would not have to imagine it anymore.

The romance would be dead. One would not even be on a pilgrimage toward it anymore. That is perhaps as it should be. It responds to the cacophony of the present by retreating to a subjective ideal where something better, larger, clearer, and more complete, a new kind of world, is ideally a possibility.

A world that is always still only a possibility — although, most importantly, it seems to be very much a possibility right now. In summoning Parliament he put into motion a chain of events that would lead to his own execution and the declaration of a republic — in a sense, the single most utopian thing ever attempted in British political history. But signs of change, again, appear even before then.

John, and the leader of the Parliamentary rebellion, John Pym.


خرید کتاب از امازون

Peers and bishops, Parliament-men and country gentry, all who were bound together by opposition to the rule of Stafford and Laud, were also bound together in support of these three men. After undergoing a revision in the hands of Independents and Levellers, this idealism almost succeeded in providing English government for however brief a time such a utopian thing could have lasted with a written republican constitution. Their participation in this moment, as they mainly understood it, was at once mandatory and voluntary.

Providence had apparently called upon a whole nation to reform itself; God was working his will, and his will was that the English people reform themselves as a people. So they had no choice: God was calling, and Providential history was moving into a new stage. But with the convening of the Long Parliament political and religious aims and means seemed to have converged; in the Parliament many found an instrument of mediation, through which godly objectives might be accomplished by national political means, and political objectives might be accomplished by national godly means.

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The idea of a general reformation was itself connected in the minds of the godly with the accounts of the beginnings and ends of history which had been circulating among them — accounts where the typological frequently merged with the literal, and paradigms of original purity intersected with paradigms of eschatological amelioration, redemption, and apocalyptic judgment. In other words, subjective idealism was being matched by an objective idealism.

The glance of godly, voluntaristic behavior has shifted from the onlookers, from those who are not directly participating in godly radicalism, to the radicals themselves. The gap has closed. The subjects will also be the objects, the means will also be the ends, and those who empower themselves to look upon the promises of God acquire a look of power: they look upon the power that they themselves are engendering, and that they are causing themselves to inherit. One obeyed a radical command, and one obeyed it radically; and this was empowering, rewarding, and saving.

O that man is beyond all rule of Reason; He hath a Tang of Phrensie; one puft up with a spirit of self conceit; a Rank Separatist. If an ethic of taking a radical departure from traditional social constraints had been a long time developing, though there were as yet few platforms or programs for political and ecclesiastical reformation, and there was no theory at all of revolution, the godly opposition to the Laudian-Caroline regime was now coming to see itself as an instrument of revolutionary transformation, and felt itself as a growing force in matters both political and religious.

A New Utopia of sorts. Nearly every reference to Zion and Jerusalem was coupled with a reference to Babylon. Make Gods word alone the Rule of Reformation. Are yee not children of Belial? Words had a new effect on the structure of life. To this law all lawes almost stoope, God dispences with many of his lawes, rather than salus populi shall be endangered, and that iron law which we call necessity itselfe, is but subservient to this law. The breadth of the Act, in its reach into the minute mechanisms by which a Parliament was to emerge as the instrument of public safety out of the material structures of the public itself, entailed a look of power that extended even to anticipating a ritualistic summoning of elections in the boroughs and shires to take place once every three years.

And yet the spirit of the Act was clearly expressive of a general if not universal respect for the de facto power of the sitting Parliament.

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This true gospel reformation, lays hold upon the heart, and soul, and inner man: and changes, and alters, and renews, and reforms that; and when the heart is reformed, all is reformed. Such complexities in the use of language and in the formation of social policy serve as a warning against an overly schematic approach to the revolutionary ethos of the Puritans, such as Walzer is accused of by Derek Hirst, for one. Unity itself was a constant issue. This gave the Parliament a kind of ontological authority, which it could not have had were it thought merely to act on behalf of the represented, as the contractual agents of the represented.

Language addressed to the Parliament was thus in the curious condition of being a language whereby, in principle, a people was addressing itself, rectifying and ameliorating itself. As time went on the project would all but collapse.